Small Wars Journal

Tribal Engagement: A Silver Bullet?

Thu, 02/04/2010 - 11:36am
The Way Ahead in Afghanistan: Does a Silver Bullet Exist? An Analysis of Giving Power Over to the Tribes to Achieve Victory -- Major Nathan Springer, U.S. Army/ U.S. Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Center.

MAJ Jim Gant has initiated healthy discussion and analysis concerning the way ahead in Afghanistan by publishing his bold paper "One Tribe At A Time." the level of interest and dialogue it has stimulated within the COIN community is extremely positive, whether you agree or disagree with his conclusions.

I agreed with many of MAJ Gant's points, particularly his thesis. "The answer to the problems that face the Afghan people, as well as other future threats to US security in the region, will be found in understanding and then helping the tribal system of Afghanistan to flourish." I couldn't agree more. At this point in the game, it seems to me that leaders understand this war will be won at the local, village, and tribal level up, rather than from the central/government level down. Like MAJ Gant, I am one soldier sharing one hard-earned perspective on the Afghanistan puzzle. Please understand that I do not wish to imply that my time in Afghanistan gave me all the answers. Truly, it left me with more questions than answers. But the pivotal piece of MAJ Gant's proposed solution to Afghani empowerment runs so counter to the realities I grappled with there, I feel I must add my voice, in a formal way, to this discourse.

I strongly disagree with MAJ Gant's ideas on how to go about empowering the tribal system in Afghanistan. Even referring to that nation's labyrinth of tribes as "the" system over-simplifies the situation on the ground. A complicated web of Afghani tribes, sects, sub-tribes, and clans have existed there for hundreds of years, inextricably bound to that nation's history, culture, and families...

More at The COIN Center Blog.

Comments

Dirk Smith (not verified)

Thu, 02/11/2010 - 7:31pm

As we continue to debate what the "best" approach is for achieving victory in Afghanistan, I believe we have started on a major fallacy. This fallacy is the belief that ungoverned areas, mostly within failing or failed states, represent a grave threat to the security of the US. What I suggest is that we ask ourselves, what risks will the US assume by leaving Afghanistan in its current condition without any further US intervention. We can debate later on what other elements of DIME, other than the US military, the US can contribute in future blogs. But ultimately, whether its a tribal answer, a truly democratic central Afghan government, or a Taliban government, there will always be ungoverned areas within Afghanistan. What are the strategic risks, that an Afghanistan with ungoverned areas, pose to the US? I would argue very few if any. No foreseeable and credible conventional or unconventional threat can emerge from Afghanistan. The only foreseeable future of Afghanistan, in my opinion, is a moneypit type scenario. We can build ANA,ANP, tribal militias, concerned local nationals, you name it, but they all have a common denominator. All will have to be resourced, primarily monetarily, by the US in order to continue to exist. There is no long term economic apparatus being developed for Afghanistan that will be able to fund long term security forces. I'm as proud as any solider, and have 5 tours in Iraq. But looking from the outside, having never served in Afghanistan, I see a policy of "pride" keeping us in Afghanistan.

The views expressed above are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the US Government.

Dirk Smith
MAJ,SF
Student: CGSC- Ft. Belvoir

Andrew (not verified)

Fri, 02/05/2010 - 2:35am

Major Gant's approach is but one of many contemplated for the tribes of Afghanistan. Dan Green's article in Special Warfare Magazine titled "Going Tribal: Enlisting Afghanistan's Tribes" might provide a more sustainable and realistic approach to working with the tribes as a basis for slowly building the Afghan state in the countryside.

Outlaw 7 (not verified)

Fri, 02/05/2010 - 1:19am

MAJ Springer:

What MAJ Gant is proposing has hands and feet in the history of SF operations dating back to VN where the SF led and advised CIDG program had approx. 50-60K CIDG fighters at any given time.

This did not include the Mobile Strike
Forces Command with another 3-5K which ran their own ops and were also QRF for the CIDG A Teams as well as QRF for big Army especially the 1st Cav.

He is leading the way back too being a true advisor and the associated risks of being in a small team in a hostile environment where your back is being covered by someone other than an American and sometimes wearing helmuts and body armor is totally optional.

I was on a A Team that took over 800 rounds a day from the NVA and never wore a helmut or armor-we never had any. I have as a SGT led a Cambodian CIDG BN against a full strength NVA Regt to distract them from a 1st Cav BN in War Zone C in order for them to escape a major ambush costing me over 100 KIA-I asked them as an advisor to attack and they did and why because I ate, slept, fought with them, drank with them at their celebrations, learnt their language and played with their children--but when I needed Cobras from "Gerry Owens" I got everything I ever needed.

MAJ Gant is in fact totally correct in his assessment of the tribes--trust your own instincts as I think you really do get it.

Brian Decker (not verified)

Fri, 02/05/2010 - 12:33am

I would like to start with a disclaimer; I have not served in Afghanistan and only view it through the lens of 2 tours in Iraq and my thesis that studies the Anbar Awakening. The dynamic of Anbar are not the same as those in Afghanistan, but there are lessons to be learned from the Anbar Awakening that could be applied in Afghanistan.
The vast majority of insurgents in both countries are native to the areas they operate. Their issues are largely based on control and conditions at the local level. Each has an Islamist part (AQ, Taliban) that has united the two groups based on a common threat posed by the US and their respective governments. The two groups, home grown insurgents and Islamist, must be treated differently. The homegrown insurgents dissatisfied with their government or the US are reconcilable; however the Islamist are not. Winning is not about defeating the Islamist, but about winning the legitimacy and influence of the populations. Without access to the mobilizing structures of the population, the Islamist are isolated and can be subjected to legitimate discriminate targeting. To use Maos terms, dry up the sea the insurgents so freely swim in.
How do you separate the reconcilers from the irreconcilable? To start, never allow the actions of the counterinsurgent to unite the two groups. Understand what untied the two groups and where natural fault lines exist. In Iraq, AQI displaced the tribal sheikhs as the node of influence in their society and implemented their own control mechanisms over the tribes. As time passed the population grew tired of the Islamist ideology and increasing control over the daily aspects of their lives. The tribal sheikhs, seeing their control of the tribes being subverted approached the U.S. for assistance. The U.S. capitalized on the opportunity and began to re-empower the tribal leaders. Resources began to flow into to the tribes in a culturally consistent manner (though the sheikhs). This increased his Wasta within the tribe. To remain the belly button we were going to push, he had to operate in manner that was consistent with our goals and objectives. With the additional resources were also initiatives to provide the tribes with a security apparatus to counter AQI coercion (tribal based security forces). He now had the means and ways to counter the AQI influence. When given the choice of AQI or the tribal leaders, the people chose the tribal leaders. Over the course of several months an estimated 110,000 Sunni insurgents and sympathizers changed sides. What was left was a couple thousand Islamist without the human terrain needed to survive. The tribal security forces and US forces, armed with excellent sources of intelligence were able to quickly defeat (discriminately) the AQI elements.
That is an oversimplified account of the details and there were many other factors, but what is clear is (1) we made the tribes a stakeholder in the future of their areas and (2) it was done by empowering and enabling at the local level as opposed to trying to extend the reach of the central government.
Similar conditions exist in Afghanistan; the jirgas have been displaced as the traditional node of influence in their society by the radical mullahs. Empower the jirgas by channeling resources through them. Assist them in their security through community defense initiatives. Control the nodes of influence and you by extension control the population. Develop governance at the local level and intermediate levels to meet the central government. When given a viable option to the Taliban and the Islamist, the locals will follow the jirgas. What will be left are the irreconcilables that can be subjected to discriminate, legitimate targeting. Introduce the resources for solution that comes from the bottom up because that is where the insurgency is drawing its problem.

In Afghanistan, "re-empowering the village councils of elders and restoring their community leadership is the only way to re-create the traditional check against the powerful political network of rural mullahs, who have been radicalized by the Taliban"

Tom Johnson

spartan16

Fri, 02/05/2010 - 12:09am

Major Springer,

That was a great article. You are 100% correct that I couldn't go in that AO and do what I did with the Mohmand tribe.

But why couldn't YOU?

You appear to have a deep understanding of the area and the web of loyalties that are there. You seem to be very capable as a warrior, you obviously have a great background and understand COIN, you have combat experience at an even higher level than I do, you are educated and understand the strategic implications of your actions, you understand tactics and their applications...you could learn Pashtu...I don't know how well you understand and apply Pashtunwali, I don't know how "cross-culturally" competent or confident you are but my guess is that you are those as well. Why can't you go and get this "tribe" of people together? Why are we so hung-up on the semantics of the situation? Call that group of people whatever you want. Call the group of people you go in with whatever you want. Take as many or as few people as you like...

I do believe YOU could be a game changer there.

Your insight was great and I appreciate very much your open dialogue.

I will keep pushing to try and make a difference - as should you.

Take care brother, and if you ever need me, please let me know.

STRENGTH AND HONOR

Jim

Anonymous, just IMHO, but I'll risk answering for Casey. Would speculate based on this link's claim, that highlander "true" Pashtuns (2.2 million) are the minority in Pakistan and probably Afghanistan. More numerous "lowlander" plains Pashtuns or Pakhtuns appear to be greater in number. But its all confusing and they both live in close proximity, which is why each village will be different.

MAJ Gant may have picked the correct side given that Kunar river valley and Nangarhar province are primarily plains and the mountains hide the bad guys.:

http://www.faqs.org/minorities/South-Asia/Pathans.html

Guess that the Khost-Paktia-Paktika, Baluchistan, Kandahari, Arghandab, Helmund, Farah, Durrani, and Herat Pashtuns are all somewhat different, as are the Karachi one's where Mullah Omar is apparently now hiding...again every region and its villages are different vs the central Afghan or Pakistan government trying to proclaim solutions to local problems from afar.

The qawm non-tribal argument gets some backing when you see Karzai's own family with cousins killing cousins to settle old feuds. What's up with that, not to mention the guy in Kandahar who is either on the CIA payroll or a drug dealer depending on the article you read...maybe both?;)

My only concern with MAJ Gant's solution is it is based on experiences from 2004...which was when they still liked us over there. I also get terrified at the prospects of 8-man ODA teams being attacked by highlanders ala Wanat COP Kahler or Kamdesh COP Keating. Recalling picture of the COP that MAJ Gant and team had established, suspect it would not have gone well.

Plus there are far more villages than their are green berets. Just my "never-been-there-but-read-alot" guestimate opinion, as always.

Casey Yourk (not verified)

Thu, 02/04/2010 - 9:22pm

Anonymous- you're over thinking.... Sitting Bull lives in the valley, or lowlands. The highlanders live in the mountains.

Infanteer- there you go with the word "tribal." Some might say those small-scale systems in every village and district with its own little patchwork of local governance structures are indeed tribes...or at least mini-tribes. Or maybe it's like a neighborhood watch program working closely with the town police. Or maybe it's like the burrows in New York City. Each burrow contains a different ethnic group and they have a couple of cops that live there and keep the peace between folks from the other burrows. The police in the burrows, in turn, work closely with the NY City police. Voila!! Law and Order. Tomato, Toe-ma-toe.

Infanteer

Thu, 02/04/2010 - 8:39pm

My biggest problem with "tribes as a silver bullet" is that my experience in Afghanistan really falls in line with the analysis of the TRADOC G2 Human Terrain Team's analysis that the "tribal" system simply does not exist to the extent that many commentators would like to believe. Months out in Kandahar province and I've seen no indication of tribal leadership moving people. There are other small-scale systems that they live by, and these really do need to be engaged and secured from insurgent influence, but every village and district has its own little patchwork of local governance structures that aren't necessarily related to any "tribal" system.

Anonymous (not verified)

Thu, 02/04/2010 - 6:46pm

Casey Yourk - I am fishing here: please explain to me who these "highlanders" are/were in a more anthropological and historical sense?

GBNT - "The primary, urgent struggle now is to understand the South Asian political market economy." We are a little late in the game wouldn't you say? I would further point-out the qualified civilian backfill doesn't seem to be forthcoming.

Make no mistake about it, I want us to be successful in Afganistan, but I am becoming rather guarded in my prognosis.

Thank you Gentlemen

All of warfare is a political, ideological, economic and violence market-based economy. You do not force the environment to conform to your capabilities and preferences like we have tried to do so far in OIF and OEF. You adapt your organization, education/training, expectations, tactics and strategy to the environment or you spend years and years for naught - like we have been doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. You must adapt to the market -- which is to say that you must understand the market dynamics -- actors and relations between them. In Afghanistan, the market's primary actors are tribes and non-state actor forces. Creating a Kabul government merely added one more self-interested economic actor to the puzzle.

In order to win at this game, it is not nercessary (and impossible) to gain the support of all actors -- only the ones which provide reinforcing and balancing influences which cumulatively result in favorable conditions and self-imposed restrictions on violence. That is why a central government is illegitimate in Afghanistan: there is not a single actor outside of Kabul, Washington DC, and Islamabad who wants a strong central government in Kabul. So that idea will fail.

So, what the Gant Paper is proposing is advantaging the actors who can wield those reinforcing and balancing influences to limit the violence and bring about the popular preference of common (albeit uneven) economic gain over oppressive ideology/greed. The preferred marginalized actors must be advantaged over the powerful destabilizing actors sufficiently to only require tweaks in the future to maintain the balance against ideological oppression(via the well-known aspects of national power).

The primary, urgent struggle now is to understand the South Asian political market economy. For this you need the smartest and most non-military-like military you can find.

Casey Yourk (not verified)

Thu, 02/04/2010 - 4:49pm

First let me say that nothing unfortunate came out of MAJ Gant "picking sides." Sitting Bull and the highlanders made a truce without a single shot fired. There's always someone trying to over think his work, trying to make him out to be a rogue warrior. If you were in Afghanistan in the 2001-2004 time frame, think back to the number of troops on the ground, the number of HQs on the ground, the number of allied troops, the mission...it was a different place. All the ODAs had some degree of autonomy. What they did with that autonomy only they can say. But autonomy does not a rogue warrior make. The battlefield is an ever changing, fluid environment that requires constant maintenance and innovative solutions. The Tribal concept appears to upset some folks because it seems there are no longer any "tribes." Semantics my friends. You can call it anything you'd like; tribe, villager, qawn, conglomerate of Afghans, Pashtun peeps, whatever. MAJ Gant's TET proposal is the concept that solidarity and governance should start at the very bottom with the tribes. Without the support of the commons, the intermediate and national governments will not work. Let's not forget he specifically stated this could work in the Southern and Eastern Pashtun provinces. He acknowledges it wouldn't work everywhere. But let me remind you that MAJ Gant's paper is based on his personal experience with the Mohmand Tribe. He did it and he was extremely successful and he and his ODA left Sitting Bull and his tribe with a great impression of Americans. This was evidenced by the great relationship that CPT Harrison was able to establish with Sitting Bull in 2007 and continue again in 2009 (http://blog.stevenpressfield.com/2010/01/gifts-of-honor-a-tale-of-two-c…). The Afghan campaign has many levels from strategic down to tactical. Each level must be worked simultaneously in order to have the desired effect; a legitimate national government with legitimate branches down to the "neighborhood" level, if you will. MAJ Gant is saying he's the guy to do it at the tactical level. The other programs currently under way are at the intermediate and national levels; AP3, CDI, LDI, all of which are very important pieces of this complex puzzle. Everyone from the President, to the Ambassador, to the Generals down to the foot soldier, from every allied nation on the ground, is doing the best that they can. The fact that MAJ Gants paper has had such a profound affect at the national and strategic levels only means that we're all looking for a way to leave Afghanistan in a place of peaceful and prosperous sovereignty.

Anonymous (not verified)

Thu, 02/04/2010 - 2:28pm

I feel there is also some oversimplification here. A traditional tribe may in fact be broken down into competing factions due to old squabbles, unresolved legal claims, and just plain ordinary differing everyday concerns that ddiffer from eachother.
If not careful, we could find ourselves empowering one faction over another, though they all belong to the same "traditional" tribe.

In fact, if I'm not mistaken, Gant describes throwing-in with one bunch over another thereby picking sides - something I don't think is our place to do.

Bob's World

Thu, 02/04/2010 - 12:17pm

The closest thing I can see to a "Silver Bullet" for resolving conflict in Afghanistan is a true, unconstrained by Western concerns, Loya Jirga. But I fear we are too afraid of what it would "hit" to pull the trigger.

We must target the 800lb gorilla in the room of the lack of legitimacy of GIROA; instead of focusing all of our energies trying to kill the 800 guerrillas in the mountains.

Putting too large of a strategic expectation upon the Local Defense Initiative is as likely to doom the program as those who fear it too much as a return to warlordism. Its a great tool open up critical localities to governance and to provide local legitimacy to ANSF operating in the region...but it's no silver bullet