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SWJ Blog is a multi-author blog publishing news and commentary on the various goings on across the broad community of practice. We gladly accept guest posts from serious voices in the community.
What's a good-old fashioned amphibious exercise without a reading list? Small Wars Journal received an e-mail the other day that had a message attached from Admiral John C. Harvey, Commander of U.S. Fleet Forces Command. The message, "Amphibious and Expeditionary Operations Reading Program"; was addressed to all Commanders, Commanding Officers, Officers-in-Charge and Command Master Chiefs; and concerned preparation for Bold Alligator 12 (the largest amphibious exercise to be conducted by the Fleet in ten years). Galrahn at Information Dissemination has posted the message in its entirety here.
The message emphasized Admiral Harvey's concern that our Sea Services' collective knowledge of amphibious expeditionary operations has eroded over time. As such, the bulk of the message provided Admiral Harvey's personal reading program intended to stimulate the intellectual juices in preparation for BA 12. Good on Admiral Harvey!
The reading list is a personal program, voluntary in nature, but he truly believes it can form the basis of a stronger amphibious expeditionary operations professional reading program. The list contains four "core" books with additional reading focused on specific areas of amphibious operations to include doctrine and tactics.
Full disclosure: Despite my Marine Corps background I have not read all the books on this list and can remember little concerning those I did so many years ago. I've relied on "mini-reviews" and "product descriptions" for the short blurb after each listed book.
I also enjoin you to add to this list, let Small Wars Journal know what additions are required to build this into a world-class amphibious operations professional reading list.
Continue on for Admiral Harvey's list or download a PDF version...
by Linda Polman. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2010. 229 pages.
ISBN: 978-0-8-50-9290-5. $23.99 (hardcover).
Reviewed by Bert Ventura
The Crisis Caravan by Linda Polman is a narrative that vividly illustrates how a multibillion dollar industry has grown up around the humanitarian aid business; and while NGOs and IGOs compete for their share of the billions in aid money, the warring parties and rogue governments are benefitting the most from the aid. Ms. Polman, an Amsterdam based freelance journalist, has spent the last fifteen years reporting from war ravaged locations around the world. She is an excellent storyteller who vividly brings to life the grim realities of human suffering and the too often futile efforts of aid organizations in a manner not often seen.
Polman suggests that governments and private donors have lost sight of the real tragedies and give money based solely on newspaper headlines and not the extent and urgency of human suffering. Throughout the chapters, she takes the reader on a tour through war zones and manmade humanitarian crisis' in Africa and the Middle East. She highlights the frustrations of a Liberian doctor who while working diligently to help amputee victims of the Sierra Leone genocide, has his efforts and successes played down by western politicians vying for publicity. Polman also discusses the frustrations felt by Afghan citizens who helplessly watch as their government and other corrupt entities siphon off billions of dollars from aid money intended to rebuild their country.
Polman's conclusions are sensible and clear-eyed. She proposes the question: If aid has become a strategic aspect of warfare that more often than not benefits the aggressor instead of the victim, should nothing at all be done? She answers her own question by suggesting that the option of "doing nothing," while not what she advocates, should not be taken off the table if it is the best option available. In other words, all options must be equally considered even if it means saying no to aid. She also asserts that the aid system should not be exempt from fair criticism because "too much is wrong with it."
Given the author's determination to strike a chord with the reader regarding abuses in the delivery of humanitarian aid, The Crisis Caravan is a must read by policy makers, private donors, aid workers and military professionals. It will definitely change the way one looks at humanitarian aid.
Major Humberto O. Ventura, a U.S. Army Civil Affairs officer with service in Iraq and Latin America; he is currently working towards his M.S. in the Defense Analysis Department at the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School.
by Steven T. Brothers
We must prevent Qaddafi from more efficiently slaughtering his own people. This can be accomplished with intervention. Yet, we must carefully weigh the risks lest a hazy contingency plan creep into a muddling campaign.
As a military officer I know that no fly zones (NFZ) and air strikes are not easy to implement, nor are they necessarily effective. Libyan air defenses would need to be suppressed. We could lose aircraft. Combat search and rescue (C.S.A.R.) personnel deployed to save downed pilots could be killed or captured. Also, our laser-guided bombs would require soldiers -- on the ground --to direct them to their targets.
Those who say an NFZ would be "easy" point to Operation Northern Watch over Iraq as proof. Yet, much of Iraq's air defenses were destroyed in the Gulf war. Further, Iraqi air defenses were easier to find and destroy. Libya does not have such a capacity; what it has is more dangerous: scores of shoulder-fired missiles that are tougher to locate.
Complicating this is a dangerous absence of information about the opposition. Although Secretary of State Clinton said the U.S. is "reaching out" to the rebels we should be skeptical of any intelligence information provided to us. We do not need a Libyan version of the Iraqi informant "Curveball" feeding us false tips in order to further a narrow agenda.
Also, much of the opposition are former government employees which have not been paid in days. Should this drag on for weeks -- and this is certainly possible -- there is a risk of the opposition fracturing. Rival leaders might then capitalize on U.S. ignorance and seek support for personal power grabs.
Also, what happens after Qaddafi is toppled? Libya does not have the civil capacity and structures that Tunisia and Egypt have. Libya is -- dangerously so- more like Yemen. It lacks the mechanisms to provide basic services, which themselves can check the kind of hopelessness and desperation that feeds violence.
We also must determine how far we are —to go. When does a no fly zone turn into a no drive zone? Qaddafi's aircraft should be grounded but he also possesses equally efficient means: tanks, artillery, and gun trucks. Also, according to Human Rights Watch, the Red Crescent, and other relief organizations, there is a humanitarian crisis developing. Qaddafi's forces are sealing off supply routes. Qaddafi is using food as a weapon. If we plan on assisting here, this will require "boots on the ground."
Reminiscent of Somalia, our soldiers would face the difficult task of discerning allies from enemies. A sizeable portion of the opposition is former military, many of whom still wear the same uniforms and use the same equipment as Qaddafi's forces. This makes a corner stone of any military intervention - the rules of engagement - extremely problematic.
We have not adequately evaluated the political risks. Most Libyans would resent the presence of foreign troops. If we overreach, we risk alienating the next generation of Libya's leaders and the young people that will chart its political future.
If the opposition's supposed leadership asks for an intervention then they may lose legitimacy. Libyans see this as their revolution and want to emulate the Egyptian and Tunisian experiences with little outside help. The opposition has already appropriated dozens of tanks, attack helicopters, and the critically important anti-aircraft weapons. It may take a while but they might be able to accomplish this on their own.
Others have suggested inserting Special Forces teams to assist the rebels. An apparent rag-tag unprofessional gang, the rebels are led by a few professional soldiers. We could assist by sending teams to help train and lead them. Yet, this is also risky: A U.K. SAS team was captured by a faction of the opposition that considered them invaders. Also, the Libyan opposition is not the Northern Alliance of Afghanistan. There is no Ahmad Shah Masoud -- nor the legacy of a martyred one -- to rally around. We do not have a twenty-plus year history of assisting the Libyan rebels. There may be a leader in the making but they have yet to assert themselves.
There are more workable options. While the U.N. has taken measures to prevent more weapons from getting to Qaddafi what about personnel? The U.N., the Arab league and the African Union must pressure those countries that have supplied the mercenaries in order to prevent more from arriving. Also, the E.U. --although it has frozen Qaddafi's assets -- must also freeze those of the Libyan state. Until the opposition is in control of the treasury, this is an option worth considering.
Qaddafi's ruthlessness rivals that of Idi Amin, Charles Taylor, and Nicolae Ceausescu. Under his leadership, rebel soldiers are bound, gagged, shot, and set on fire while merciless guns for hire execute civilians. He must be stopped. Yet, before we rush to rattling our sabers, our policy makers must build a multinational consensus, weigh the risks, and always respect the wishes of the Libyan people.
Major Steven T. Brothers is an Army Middle East Foreign Area Officer and Graduate Student at the Center for Middle East Studies at Harvard University. His comments do not necessarily reflect those of the US Army, the US Government, or Harvard University.
Editor's Note: While we will present all options for intervention, SWJ does not maintain an official position. Rather, we want to facilitate the discussion.
One key quote from page 11: "Violent extremism in various forms will continue to constitute the most likely and immediate threat around the world. A more dangerous threat will come from emergent hybrid adversaries who combine the agility and flexibility of being an irregular and decentralized enemy with the power and technology of a nation state. These security challenges, in whatever form they are manifested, constitute the threat that the Army and our Nation will face for the foreseeable future."
USIP is on the chopping block, it should not be, at all... - Small Wars Journal
Peace cannot be kept by force. It can only be achieved by understanding.
--Albert Einstein
by Steven Eden
Things look pretty bleak for monarchs, presidents, and mullahs from Casablanca to Tehran these days. Crowds in the street, hesitant soldiers, frightened policemen, breathless commentators, shaky governments...it's enough to make any strongman cry. Revolution is in the air and sparks drifting from country to country are setting folks ablaze, which given the dry climate can't be good.
Steven Eden is a retired Armor officer and planner with a long-term interest in the Middle East and a graduate degree in European History.
(Posted at Information Dissemination - Bolded emphasis SWJ.)
For too many years, I have not paid close attention to the governance of the U.S. Naval Institute. I have taken for granted the fact that the Institute would always provide the "independent forum" that allows us to freely explore and share ideas in a public environment unencumbered by bureaucracy, rank, or politics. Since 1873, commands around the world have had spirited professional discussions that began with the phrase: "did you read the article in this month's Proceedings about...?" As an active duty Naval Officer, I always knew that I was free to enter these discussions--or even start one of my own—without fear of censorship or reprisal. Now that freedom is threatened by a proposal to change the Institute into an advocacy-based organization. As a loyal USNI Life member, I recommend the following:
1. Vote "no" on this initiative. Your vote counts and we need numbers to make sure this issue is resolved decisively.
2. Publicly support the continuing service of our USNI CEO, Tom Wilkerson. He is an extraordinarily courageous and innovative leader who has the Institute on the right course.
3. Publicly demand the creation of an independent panel to develop recommendations—subject to membership approval—that will improve USNI governance. For example, our current governance process is obviously tilted toward nominating retired flag officers, former senior defense officials, and corporate executives for election to the USNI Board of Directors. This demographic group is not representative of the diverse character of our USNI membership.
I have personally contributed to this unfortunate state of affairs by not paying close enough attention to USNI governance issues. I will not be making that mistake again. Please vote "NO" on this important initiative and let your voice be heard.
Also see Small Wars Journal editor Mike Few's The Wrong War: Grit, Strategy, and the Way Out of Afghanistan: An Interview with Bing West.
Center for Naval Analyses Briefing
When: Monday, 7 March 2011, 10:30 am -- 12:00 pm
Where: Capitol Hill, Cannon House Office Building, Room 122
This briefing will feature the key findings of a recent CNA study, Counterinsurgency on the Ground in Afghanistan: How Different Units Adapted to Local Conditions (by Dr. Jerry Meyerle, Megan Katt, and Jim Gavrilis). The study includes 15 vignettes (from 10 provinces) about different units from the US Marines, Army, and Special Forces; the British Army and Marines; the Dutch Army and Marines; and the Canadian Army.
In these cases, it was up to small units on the ground to adapt counterinsurgency principles to the unique conditions they faced in different areas of Afghanistan. The briefing will feature two officers, a U.S. Army colonel and a U.S. Marine captain, who were involved in two of these cases. They will describe the diverse conditions their units faced, how they responded to these conditions, what worked and what did not, and the successes they achieved.
In addition, the authors will discuss recurring themes from the 15 vignettes, lessons learned at the tactical and operational levels, and what they mean for future conflicts.
Some of the book's key themes include:
Dealing with a localized insurgency
Navigating the political terrain
Searching for political solutions
Engaging the population and building popular support
Employing restraint in the use of force
Operating with little strategic guidance
The agenda can be found here. For more information regarding CNA's work on issues related to stability and development, please refer to this website.