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SWJ Blog is a multi-author blog publishing news and commentary on the various goings on across the broad community of practice. We gladly accept guest posts from serious voices in the community.
More at The New York Times.
More and Related:
We Have Met the Enemy and He Is PowerPoint - NYT comment section
The TX Hammes PowerPoint Challenge - Starbuck, Small Wars Journal
Essay: Dumb-dumb Bullets - TX Hammes, Armed Forces Jorunal
Does the Military Overuse PowerPoint? - The Tank
Quagmire! - Jules Crittenden, Forward Movement
PowerPoint Is Evil - Edward Tufte, Wired
"Dumb-Dumb Bullets" and Information Processing - Adam Elkus, Red Team Journal
PowerPoint, Decision-Making, and Useless Staff Work - Reach 364, Building Peace
Who PowerPoint Empowers - Tom Ricks, The Best Defense
How Many SWJ Writers Can You Spot in this Article? - Starbuck, Wings Over Iraq
A PowerPoint Briefing About Why PowerPoint Is Bad... - Schmedlap
Hollow Point Power Point? - GSGF, GrEaT sAtAn"S gIrLfRiEnD
When Technology Is The Problem - Bill Egnor, Firedoglake
Guns and Bullet Points - Julie Weiner, Vanity Fair
Army Discovers PowerPoint Makes You Stupid - Preston Gralla, Computer World
Afghanistan: The PowerPoint Solution - Julian Borger, The Guardian
The Battle for Hearts and Bullet Points - Michael Evans, The Times
The U.S. Military's Fight Against PowerPoint - Althea Manasan, National Post
Beautiful, Pointless Graphs - Andrew Sullivan, The Atlantic
Why the Military Declared War on Powerpoint - Max Fisher, The Atlantic
Pentagon Uses its Noodle to Win War - Brad Norington, The Australian
Baffling PowerPoint Presentation - Daily Mail
PowerPoint Backlash Grinds Onward - David Perera, Fierce Government
The US Military's War On PowerPoint - Kyle VanHemert, Gizmodo
And of course a blast from the past ppt that got many thinking WTF?:
The Gettysburg Powerpoint Presentation - Peter Norvig
Some of Cordesman's conclusions:
1. On the charts, Iran records an impressive "bean count" of conventional military hardware. But Cordesman notes the ancient vintage of these systems, their poor state of repair, and inadequate soldier training and concludes that Iran's conventional military capability is limited and dwindling.
2. On the other side of the Gulf, U.S. allies such as Saudi Arabia, UAE, Oman, and others have been on hardware spending sprees. Yet in spite of constant urging from U.S. officials, Cordesman notes that defense cooperation among the Gulf Arab states remains much less than what it should be. This lack of cooperation diminishes significant mutual defense synergies these countries could achieve in areas such as air defense, missile defense, sea control in the Persian Gulf, and offensive deterrence directed at moderating Iranian behavior.
3. Cordesman asserts that the Iranian government seems to be directing its attention at high-end asymmetric (nuclear plus theater-range ballistic missiles) and low-end asymmetric (revolutionary subversion, terror, sabotage) capabilities at the expense of funding for conventional military capabilities. Iranian decision makers may have concluded that Iran possesses a comparative advantage in these "asymmetric" capabilities while at the same time concluding that conventional military capabilities are not nearly as useful for projecting power or creating intimidating effects.
Not displayed in Cordesman's charts are U.S. Central Command's military capabilities. This is an appropriate omission. In the long-run, Iranian power will need to be contained and deterred. Best from a U.S. perspective that this be done by America's local Arab allies. Regrettably, as Cordesman notes, although the Gulf Arabs states will have the capacity to contain and deter Iran on their own, such regional deterrence and containment will be in short supply as long as the Arab states squabble rather than cooperate. The result will be a major U.S. military presence in the Gulf, long after the U.S. has scaled down its efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan.
More at Kerplunk.
More at The Washington Post.
Much more at Foreign Affairs.
Topics include:
1) Have the U.S. military's unconventional warriors defined themselves out of a job?
2) If you can't know the future, how do you prepare for it?
Have the U.S. military's unconventional warriors defined themselves out of a job?
What exactly is unconventional warfare? The U.S. military's special operations warriors have struggled with the definition for decades. To some, unconventional warfare encompasses the entire gamut of activities off the traditional battlefield, including support for foreign militaries, support for friendly guerillas, and behind-the-lines reconnaissance and raiding. Doctrinal purists object to this notion. To them, unconventional warfare means something very specific -- support for resistance movements battling governments hostile to the United States. Last year, the United States Army John F. Kennedy Special Warfare Center and School organized a conference attended by all of the stakeholders in the U.S. special warfare community for the purpose of finally settling on a definition. This they did. But in doing so, did they made unconventional warfare completely unusable as a tool for policymakers?
Here is the new approved definition: "activities conducted to enable a resistance movement or insurgency to coerce, disrupt or overthrow a government or occupying power by operating through or with an underground, auxiliary and guerrilla force in a denied area."
The idea of the United States supporting a resistance movement harkens back to U.S. support for French, Yugoslav, and other partisans resisting German occupation during World War II. During the Cold War, Green Berets prepared to drop into Eastern Europe to organize resistance if the Soviet army were to invade Western Europe. But the concept of unconventional warfare was later tarnished by the consequences of U.S. support for the Shah of Iran's overthrow of the Iranian government in 1953, failed meddling in Cuba in the 1960s, and the Contra war in Nicaragua in the 1980s. Unconventional warfare has since had to achieve a very high burden of proof to defend its legitimacy.
With the new definition now written into various U.S. Army field manuals, special operations units will begin to implement training programs to prepare U.S. forces to execute such a mission if called on to do so. But if the special operators are preparing for something that is either politically unrealistic or that purposely avoids the most dangerous threats to the United States, will the unconventional warriors have defined themselves out of a job?
Click through to read more ...
Read the full study at Rand.
Update: Precedent Suggests Afghanistan Taliban Could Win - Ben Arnoldy, Christian Science Monitor.
While current U.S. counterinsurgency doctrine in Afghanistan broadly conforms to historical best practices, the Taliban have a number of advantages that have produced insurgent success in the past, according to a new study of 89 past and ongoing insurgencies worldwide.The factors that favor the Taliban include receiving sanctuary and support in another country, learning to be more discriminating in their attacks and fighting a government that's weak and reliant on direct external support.The historical trends suggest that the Taliban's Achilles heel would be the loss of their Pakistani sanctuary, while the principal American vulnerability is Afghan President Hamid Karzai's weak pseudo democracy.The study, said the author, cannot be predictive, but it can help the U.S. address or exploit these vulnerabilities...Much more at The Christian Science Monitor.
Read the entry post at the USA and USMC Counterinsurgency Center Blog.
Click here to read Dickerson's essay.
From the ISW press release:
As US, NATO and Afghan allies prepare for a new military offensive in Kandahar province this summer, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) has released a fifth report, Politics and Power in Kandahar by Carl Forsberg from the highly acclaimed Afghanistan Report series. This report reveals ISAF's persistent inconsistencies in dealing with Ahmed Wali Karzai's consolidation of power and proposes a new political-military strategy that is necessary for successful counterinsurgency operations.
"ISAF must implement a coherent and coordinated governance strategy in both Kabul and Kandahar for kinetic operations to be successful in the long-term," Afghanistan scholar Carl Forsberg explained. "The popularity of Ahmed Wali Karzai has dramatically decreased in Kandahar because of gross mismanagement and lack of good governance; this only fuels the insurgency and gives legitimacy to the Taliban as an opposition."
The 2 page executive summary and 57 page report by ISW provides a detailed and authoritative overview of the historical governance structures in Kandahar, Kandahar's current powerbrokers, the serious weakness of government institutions and Afghan security forces in Kandahar, and the rise of the Karzai family.
Key finding and recommendations:
- Kandahar is strategic terrain for the Quetta Shura Taliban and the Karzai family, and a central focus of ISAF's 2010 counterinsurgency campaign.- Ahmed Wali Karzai's influence over Kandahar is the central obstacle to any of ISAF's governance objectives, and a consistent policy for dealing with him must be a central element of any new strategy.
- While most actors in Kandahar call themselves tribal leaders, few influential actors in Kandahar derive their influence from this position. Control over guns, money, and foreign support have become more important as sources of power.
- Anti-government sentiments are exploited and aggravated by the Taliban. Many of the local powerbrokers who are excluded from Ahmed Wali Karzai's network see the Taliban insurgency as the only viable means of political opposition.
Read the full report at the The Institute for the Study of War.
Michael Yon's recent post on his
Facebook page regarding
the
end to his embed is causing a stir in the milblog community: McChrystal's
crew has declared an information war on me. No complaints here. McChrystal's attention
is welcome. It indicates that my posts have hit steel further underlines that McChrystal
is over his head...
In
Michael
Yon Wake Up Call, Uncle Jimbo at Blackfive writes: There comes a time
when you have to look in the mirror and accept responsibility. It is not a collection
of incompetent public affairs officers or some conspiracy to silence truth telling,
it is his own fault. He has broken the rules time and time again and then when that
bit him in the ass, he bit back.
Is the Army's Armor Branch Defunct? - Tom Ricks, Best Defense
COINtras Off Their Game - Starbuck, Wings Over Iraq
COIN and Hybrid War: The Demise of Armor? - Judah Grunstein, World Politics Review
Read the full article at Foreign Affairs.
The Army's Starfish Program evolved through an opportunistic collaboration between the USA Training and Doctrine Command and Ori Brafman, best-selling author of The Starfish and The Spider. A select group of leaders took part in the pilot program earlier this year and are now reaching out across the Army to share their insights from this unique experience. On 26 April, Ori Brafman will be joined by select students at a Town Hall Meeting at Fort Monroe in the post theater where they will discuss the tenets of the program, their experiences, and the results.
The Town Hall Meeting is open to all servicemembers, their families, and garrison personnel. For those unable to attend due to geography, it will be webcast at http://pl.pscdn.net/003/02467/live3.asx. For those unable to attend the townhall or see the webcast, a tape of the townhall will be hung on the TRADOC webpage in the days following the townhall.
We encourage you to join us to get a sense for how the Army is seeking to learn from its experiences after 8+ years of war.
GEN Martin E. Dempsey
-----
SWJ Editor's Note: General Martin E. Dempsey is Commanding General of the US Army Training and Doctrine Command.
We already know that neither the Bush nor Obama administrations have gained any traction with this issue. According the NYT article, "the United States would ensure that Iran would not 'acquire a nuclear capability.'" None of the policy options aimed at preventing Iran from becoming a nuclear power have much chance of success. Protected by China and probably Russia, the UN Security Council will not pass economic sanctions that will change the decision calculus in Tehran. Iran's mullahs appear to have crushed the Green movement, so regime change appears off the table. But those hoping for relief through a new government forget that Iran's nuclear program is very popular inside Iran; a new government is very likely to continue the program. Finally, even if some deal were to lead to an expansion of IAEA inspections, events from the past few decades have soiled the reputation of inspectors to thwart the aims of determined proliferators. Gates was at the top levels of the CIA and National Security Council when both his agency and the IAEA missed Iraq's nuclear progress in the late 1980s. Gross intelligence errors the other way followed 10-15 years later. As a career intelligence officer, Gates knows all too well the fallibility of that profession.
Starting with his service on the Iraq Study Group and leading up to the present, Gates no doubt believes his job is to extract the U.S. military from Iraq and Afghanistan under conditions resembling success. For him, this is undoubtedly a satisfying way to end a long career in government. Seeing how all other courses of action regarding Iran are doomed to fail, his January memo to Jones may have emerged from a fear that he and his department would soon be called on to execute "the last resort" against Iran, even when everyone knows that an air campaign would not be decisive but would result in another open-ended entanglement.
Having worked so hard to clean up the other messes, Gates undoubtedly doesn't want to end his career having ordered the start of another. Did his memo help avoid that? Maybe Gates will instead arrange his retirement before "the last resort" arrives on his desk.
Much more at The New Yorker.
More at The Christian Science Monitor.
Meedan - Bilingual News Sharing Site
More at World Politics Review.
More at The Washington Post.
Topics include:
1) Could a Chinese security guarantee end the standoff with Iran?
2) Hezbollah's Scuds provide a test case for Obama's deterrence doctrine.
Could a Chinese security guarantee end the standoff with Iran?
Perhaps the most important of the numerous sidebar meetings U.S. President Barack Obama held during his Nuclear Security Summit was with Chinese President Hu Jintao. At issue was how much support China would lend to a U.S. drive at the U.N. Security Council to sanction Iran for its lack of cooperation with inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). According to the Washington Post, China is still sticking with its noncommittal position.
According to the U.S. Energy Department's Energy Information Administration, China is Iran's no. 2 oil customer and Chinese companies are heavily invested in Iranian oil and gas exploration and development. China's rapid growth in oil imports virtually guarantees that China's commercial and political relations with Iran will deepen.
Proponents of a diplomatic "grand bargain" between Iran and the United States argue that the reason Iran is pursuing a nuclear-weapons capability is because it feels the need to deter a militarily supreme United States. Under a grand bargain, Iran would completely open itself to IAEA inspection in exchange for a U.S. renunciation of force against Iran, the restoration of diplomatic relations, and the end to the U.S. trade embargo.
The Obama administration has weakly proffered a vaguer version of this deal with little response from Iran. Iran's leaders have likely concluded that a U.S. promise not to use force against Iran is meaningless because the United States could reverse it at any time. But if Washington cannot credibly guarantee Iran's security, what about Beijing? Wouldn't all parties be better off with a Chinese security guarantee to Iran?
Click through to read more ...
Update:
One Tribe at a Time: The Way Forward - Major Jim Gant, Small Wars Journal
A District Approach in Afghanistan? - Major David S. Clukey, Small Wars Journal
Tribal Engagement Workshop: The Time Dimension - Dr. Marc Tyrrell, In Harmonium
Tribal Engagement for Afghanistan? - Andrew Exum, Abu Muqawama
Gameplanning a Solution In Medias Res - Joshua Foust, Registan
Local V. National Control - Joshua Foust, Registan
From Whole-of-Government to Whole-of-Place" - Joshua Foust, Registan
Tribal Engagement - Afghanistan - Greyhawk, Mudville Gazette
Commentary
What will the various players in Afghanistan's drama learn from America's experience in the Korengal Valley?
First, many enemy commanders are likely to conclude that resistance is not futile, that they have a chance to defeat the U.S. military in combat.
Click through to read more ...