Small Wars Journal

Blog Posts

SWJ Blog is a multi-author blog publishing news and commentary on the various goings on across the broad community of practice.  We gladly accept guest posts from serious voices in the community.

by SWJ Editors | Thu, 03/12/2009 - 8:27am | 0 comments
Joint Warfare in the 21st Century - General James Mattis, Foreign Policy Research Institute

General James Mattis, USMC, is NATO's Supreme Allied Commander Transformation and Commander, U.S. Joint Forces Command. This transcript is based on his keynote speech delivered at the February 12, 2009 Defense Showstoppers: National Security Challenges for the Obama Administration conference, sponsored by FPRI and the Reserve Officers Association, held in Washington, D.C.

In Joint Forces Command, we have about 1.2 million troops under us, and aircraft carriers, aircraft squadrons, Army brigades, and Marine air-ground task forces. When General Petraeus or Admiral Keating needs forces, we assign those forces out. That aspect of Joint Forces Command is very straightforward. We also train the Joint Forces Headquarters that go into Baghdad, to Bakhtaran, to Djibouti. But I spend most of my time on forward-looking concepts. That's the intellectually demanding part. That's where the two jobs, NATO and Joint Forces Command, come together. Think of the Roman God Janus, who looks both forward and backward. That's because history—especially very recent history—provides us some of our best signposts for the future.

I got the phone call that I was going to be the Allied Commander Transformation and Commander of the U.S. Joint Forces Command when I was in Kabul, Afghanistan, so I called for a map of NATO. They didn't have one there, so they got me a map of the world. At that point I was a Marine from California who answered to John Abizaid and Admiral Fallon as the Marine Force's Central Command. There I was in Kabul, closer to Brussels than Brussels is to my current headquarters in Norfolk. And therein lies part of the problem. Right now, we are superior to our enemies in terms of nuclear warfare and conventional warfare (we've lost a little bit of that edge, but we'll get it back very quickly), but we are not superior in irregular warfare, and that is what we've got to do...

More at Foreign Policy Research Institute.

by SWJ Editors | Thu, 03/12/2009 - 8:25am | 1 comment
America's Broken Interagency - Hon. Thomas A. Schweich, Foreign Policy Research Institute

The Hon. Thomas A. Schweich is Visiting Professor of Law and Ambassador in Residence, Washington University in St. Louis. He was U.S. Ambassador for Counternarcotics and Justice Reform in Afghanistan, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, and Chief of Staff of the U.S. mission to the UN. This essay is based on his presentation at the February 12, 2009 Defense Showstoppers: National Security Challenges for the Obama Administration conference, sponsored by FPRI and the Reserve Officers Association, held in Washington, D.C.

The last job I had with the Bush administration was coordinator for police training, judicial reform, and counternarcotics in Afghanistan. When I got the job, the National Security Council said, "It's got three parts. First, you have to go to Afghanistan and try to coordinate among their agencies for police reform, judicial reform, and counternarcotics. Then you fly to Europe to coordinate with the EU on the same issue. Finally, you come back to Washington and coordinate U.S. interagency." The last of these jobs was the most difficult one.

Afghanistan's interagency process could best be described as "uncoordinated lack of action." For example, in the areas of police training or counternarcotics, the ministry of the interior and the ministry of counternarcotics were supposed to coordinate their activities. The ministry of the interior would train police, the counternarcotics office was then supposed to execute the policies. Well, the ministry of the interior was run by former Mujahideen Tajiks while the ministry of counternarcotics was run by Hazaras who used to work for the Soviets. They didn't like each other very much, they didn't coordinate, and they didn't talk to each other. Then, the two of them were supposed to get together and go down to Helmand and Kandahar and tell the Pashtuns how to get rid of drugs...

More at Foreign Policy Research Institute.

by SWJ Editors | Wed, 03/11/2009 - 9:32pm | 1 comment
Okay, you remember back a few years when those trying to figure out counterinsurgency were snapping up all available copies of Galula's 1964 Counterinsurgency Warfare: Theory and Practice and breaking out the popcorn to watch the 1967 movie The Battle of Algiers. Well, now circulating amongst those tasked for figuring out "Irregular Warfare" comes the 1962 US Army "booklet" entitled Special Warfare -- with an introduction by President John F. Kennedy. So here, SWJ brings you another blast from the past.

The Introduction begins with a letter to the US Army from President John F. Kennedy that interestingly enough, notes the "several terms" that the Army used to describe guerrilla warfare and goes on to say "by whatever name, this militant challenge to freedom calls for an improvement and enlargement of our own development of techniques and tactics, communications and logistics to meet this threat. The introduction also includes a foreword by Secretary of the Army Elvis Stahr, the Table of Contents and (something we could use today) a section called "Use the Right Word!" -- a handy guide to official terminology.

Part I - New Emphasis on Special Warfare includes articles The Third Challenge by Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and Special Warfare: A Progress Report by General George Decker, Chief of Staff of the US Army.

Part II -- Why You Should Know About Special Warfare includes articles Countering Guerilla Attack by Walt Rostow, Guerrillas: A Formable Force by Captain Thomas Collier, and Soldier of the Future by Major Boyd Bashore.

Part III -- Is Special Warfare Something New? Includes articles The US Army and Guerrilla Warfare by Lieutenant Colonel Hugh Gardner and Counterguerrilla Operations: A Case Study by Lieutenant Colonel Donald Rattan.

Part IV -- What the Army is Doing includes articles Special Forces by Charles Dodson, US Army Special Warfare Center by Brigadier General William Yarbrough, The World's Top Jungle Fighters by Nelson Axlerod, The Jungle Tigers of Viet Nam by Simon Poore, Our Secret Weapon in The Far East by Dickey Chapelle and Special Forces: Europe by Captain Robert Asprey.

Part V -- Some Thoughts on Guerrilla Philosophy and Tactics includes articles Mao's Primer on Guerilla War by Mao Tse-tung, La Guerra De Guerillas by Che Guevara, Encirclement Methods in Counterguerrilla Warfare by Major Thoung Htaik and Both Sides of The Guerrilla Hill by Brigadier R.C.H. Miers.

Part VI -- A Look at The Future includes articles Twilight War by Colonel Robert Rigg and Unconventional Warfare by Franklin Lindsay.

Part VII -- Additional contains reference listings for further reading.

With that we give a SWJ Tip O' Hat to Paul Tompkins and Dave Maxwell.

by SWJ Editors | Wed, 03/11/2009 - 5:55pm | 0 comments
How is Afghanistan Different from Al Anbar? By Carter Malkasian and Gerald Meyerle of the Center for Naval Analyses (CNA's Stability and Development Program)

Al Anbar was a tough fight. Yet after four hard years of war, US Marines and Soldiers, together with the Sunni tribes, defeated Al Qaeda in Iraq and established security. Now, battalions of Marines may be headed to Afghanistan for a fight that promises to look different from the one in Al Anbar. Factors that loom large in any counterinsurgency campaign—politics, society, economics, and outside support—bear only passing resemblance to Al Anbar. This paper highlights 9 major differences between Al Anbar and Afghanistan (particularly southern Afghanistan) and considers their implications for the Marine Corps.

Executive Summary

Full Report

by SWJ Editors | Wed, 03/11/2009 - 1:48pm | 0 comments
Secretary Gates On Afghanistan Mission, Iraq Exit - National Public Radio (All Things Considered) - Listen Now.

Secretary of Defense Robert Gates says that the administration is currently reviewing the U.S. mission in Afghanistan.

"I would say that, at a minimum, the mission is to prevent the Taliban from retaking power against a democratically elected government in Afghanistan and thus turning Afghanistan, potentially, again, into a haven for al-Qaida and other extremist groups," Gates told NPR's Robert Siegel in an interview at the Pentagon.

Gates says he believes NATO plans to commit more troops to the country, especially to provide security for elections in August.

More at NPR.

Gates: U.S. Won't Allow Taliban Resurgence in Afghanistan - Donna Miles, American Forces Press Service

As the United States reviews its strategy in Afghanistan, one thing is certain: The United States won't let the Taliban threaten the Afghan government and re-establish safe havens there, Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates said on National Public Radio yesterday.

"I would say that at a minimum, the mission is to prevent the Taliban from retaking power against the democratically elected government in Afghanistan and thus turning Afghanistan potentially again into a haven for alQaida and other extremist groups," Gates said.

The secretary conceded that the situation in Afghanistan "began to go downhill again" in 2005 and 2006. That's when the Taliban started taking advantage of safe havens on the Pakistani side of the Pakistan-Afghan border and began "to re-infiltrate into Afghanistan and create security problems."

The decision to send an additional 17,000 U.S. troops to Afghanistan and reassess the strategy there focuses on this challenge. "We've really just been responding to that," Gates said. "Clearly, we all still have our work cut out for us."

More at American Forces Press Service.

by SWJ Editors | Tue, 03/10/2009 - 5:18pm | 0 comments
The Emerging Obama Doctrine - Gordon Lubold, Christian Science Monitor

As President Obama carves out his own foreign policy, there are signs that his use of military force overseas will be tempered by his views on the limits of American power.

Mr. Obama is leaning toward a pragmatic approach that limits military deployment of the kind used by former President Bush in the "war on terror," while remaining open to humanitarian aid and security training, especially in places such as Darfur. This approach departs from Mr. Bush but also synthesizes policy elements from Bush's later years.

"It is a very balanced, pragmatic understanding that America's interests and her ideals don't always coincide and so you have to make some trade-offs," says John Nagl, a former Army officer who now heads the Center for a New American Security, a think tank in Washington...

More at The Christian Science Monitor.

by SWJ Editors | Tue, 03/10/2009 - 1:12am | 0 comments
SWJ's 9th weekly contribution to Foreign Policy - This Week at War by Robert Haddick - is now posted. Topics include - Who's in charge of cleaning up after a war?

- Are weak states a bigger problem than strong states?

by SWJ Editors | Sun, 03/08/2009 - 5:49pm | 1 comment
Defense Showstoppers: National Security Challenges for the Obama Administration

Conference summary report by Michael P. Noonan at Foreign Policy Research Institute.

On February 12, 2009, FPRI's Program on National Security held a conference on potential "defense showstoppers" for the Obama administration—critical issues that, if not fixed, could lead to a serious deterioration of American military capabilities. The event was hosted and co-sponsored by the Reserve Officers Association in Washington, D.C. Program-affiliated scholars Michael Horowitz, Michael P. Noonan, Mackubin T. Owens, and Frank G. Hoffman served as panel moderators. More than 100 individuals from academia, government, NGOs, the media, the military, and the public participated in person, and another 300-plus individuals from around the world participated by webcast. Audio and video files of the proceedings are posted at FPRI's website; the papers presented at the conference will be published in Orbis and other outlets.

A summary of the major panel presentations and discussions can be found here and include commentary by T.X. Hammes, Stephen Biddle, Roger Carstens, Frank G. Hoffman, Mackenzie Eaglen, Christopher Preble, James N. Mattis, Michael O'Hanlon, Thomas McNaugher, Frederick W. Kagan, Janine Davidson, Thomas Schweich, Ralph Peters and a conference summation by Harvey Sicherman.

by SWJ Editors | Sun, 03/08/2009 - 9:23am | 2 comments
A short note, via e-mail, from Major General Geoffrey Lambert, USA (Ret.), concerning the future threat posed by explosive devices:

As we fight the current IED fight, we need to look to the future. Next-Gen IEDs will lose the I. North Korea and others with fears of US invasion and occupation will manufacture state of the art platter-charge type devices with all sorts of unique designs to blend in any environment, counter-US electronic warfare technology, and increase lethality. With vehicle killing "panzerfausts" in unlimited numbers for urban and other terrain, adversaries may be able to create formidable web defenses when coupled with other attriting technology.

Manufactured or Military Explosive Devices might be a nice term. Irregular no longer, MEDs will be a permanent part of the defensive landscape. We need to start investigating MEDs now, as they develop, and determine doctrinal and technological responses.

by SWJ Editors | Sat, 03/07/2009 - 1:14pm | 1 comment
This paper comes to SWJ highly recommended by Dr. Erin Simpson of the Marine Corps University (aka Charlie at Abu Muqawama) - Counterinsurgency, the War on Terror, and the Laws of War - by Ganesh Sitaraman of the Harvard Law School. Here is the abstract:

Since the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, military strategists, historians, soldiers, and policymakers have made counterinsurgency's principles and paradoxes second nature, and they now expect that counterinsurgency operations will be the likely wars of the future. Yet despite counterinsurgency's ubiquity in military and policy circles, legal scholars have almost completely ignored it. This Article evaluates the laws of war in light of modern counterinsurgency strategy. It shows that the laws of war are premised on a kill-capture strategic foundation that does not apply in counterinsurgency, which follows a win-the-population strategy. The result is that the laws of war are disconnected from military realities in multiple areas - from the use of non-lethal weapons to occupation law. It also argues that the war on terror legal debate has been myopic and misplaced. The shift from a kill-capture to win-the-population strategy not only expands the set of topics legal scholars interested in contemporary conflict must address but also requires incorporating the strategic foundations of counterinsurgency when considering familiar topics in the war on terror legal debates.

Counterinsurgency, the War on Terror, and the Laws of War - by Ganesh Sitaraman (with a tip of the hat to Erin)

by SWJ Editors | Fri, 03/06/2009 - 4:37pm | 0 comments
By Judah Grunstein, World Politics Review (SWJ cross-post)

If you've been following the "COIN will breed COIN" debate, check out these posts by Andrew Exum, Matthew Yglesias and Spencer Ackerman. If you haven't, check them out anyway. It's an interesting discussion of whether in making COIN a doctrinal focus of operations, the U.S. military will be tempted to intervene in counterinsurgencies of choice. It's a subject I've written about often over the past 18 months. If anything has reassured me that my worries weren't warranted, it's been Secretary of Defense Bob Gates' emphasis on "strategic balance." Exum's insistence that COIN practitioners are not necessarily COIN enthusiasts rings true, too.

Still, the COIN-dinistas' scholar-warrior approach to war has made it more intelligent and less destructive, and thereby more intellectually satifying and morally palatable. Afer all, "Counterinsurgency is armed social work," as David Kilcullen has said, makes for a better marketing slogan than "War is Hell." Having experience in social work, I can say that at one point or another, we all found ourselves wishing we did have a gun, even while knowing that forced progress is no progress at all.

But I think Spencer's point about the theorist-practitioners moving into policy positions offers a better potential payoff as a line of investigation. The question, though, isn't whether or not the shift will necessarily result in more wars, but what kind of impact will it have on strategic policy? I'd identify three areas where it will have an impact:

1) An emphasis on stability as the strategic objective of American foreign policy. This is largely consistent with America's historical emphasis, primarily due to the benefits of stability to trade and commerce. But with failed states now being perceived as a national security threat vector, that will probably increase. The downside is that promoting stability, if pushed to an extreme, can translate into stifling change and progress. There's also an internal tension, since trade and liberalization often have very destabilizing effects.

2) An emphasis on understanding over knowing. This seems like a clear net plus. One of the cornerstones of the new COIN doctrine is the need to understand the culture within which the operation is unfolding. Translated into a broad policy directive, that can only have a positive effect on strategic decision-making. If there's one risk, it's that in emphasizing the socio-cultural aspect of intelligence, COIN hones the ability to shape opinion through narrative, both within the theater of operations, but also domestically. The potential for abuse should be obvious.

3) An emphasis on a whole of government approach. The advantage here is that the wholistic synthesis of interagency strengths offers better strategic guidance for identifying objectives. It's also the institutional incarnation of "smart power." The disadvantage is that it also often results in policy paralysis and turf wars. The risk, too, is that it might eventually lower the barriers to "policy entrepeneurs" that the systemic firewalls have erected between agencies. There's also the problem that, notwithstanding all of Bob Gates' protests about the militarization of American foreign policy, the military will still be the biggest-funded agency within any interagency approach for the foreseeable future. And we know what talks and what walks, especially in Washington. While that doesn't necessarily mean more wars, it does mean that strategic policy will most likely be driven by the Pentagon and informed by the military's perception of America's national interests.

That's a start. Feel free to shout back with any others I've missed.

by Dave Kilcullen | Fri, 03/06/2009 - 4:05pm | 16 comments
I was a little nonplussed by Andrew Bacevich's review of my recent book, The Accidental Guerrilla (Oxford University Press, 2009). Mr Bacevich is a highly intelligent and knowledgeable man whose work I have admired over many years (in fact, I quote him at length in two places in the book). He also has an incandescent wit, which he applies like a blowtorch to my book and to my personal character. While I beg to differ on the assertion that I have been guilty of moral cowardice or benefited personally from the war, I actually agree with almost all the points he makes in his review -- indeed his argument, though framed as a critique of my book, is actually precisely the same argument I make in the book. I wonder, in fact, whether he has actually read the book, or whether some evil fairy or publishing-industry gremlin slipped another, completely different, book, like a changeling, into my book's dust-jacket before he read it.

To be fair, as normally happens, he probably reviewed a galley (or perhaps an early incomplete draft) of the book, and he therefore may not have had a chance to read it in full, read the later chapters or look at the theory chapter. Mr Bacevich's review focuses on the Iraq and Afghanistan chapters, but of course the book also analyses five other conflicts at some length (West Java, East Timor, Pakistan, Southern Thailand and radicalization in Europe), and there are three theory chapters also. I understand Mr Bacevich may have been pressed for time or short of space, and so I can completely understand a desire to focus on Iraq and Afghanistan. But whatever the reason, the fact is that the book Mr Bacevich criticizes so harshly is simply not the book I wrote...

by SWJ Editors | Fri, 03/06/2009 - 5:53am | 10 comments
Via e-mail from Lieutenant General Paul Van Riper, USMC (Ret.) on the recent SWJ discussion concerning Hybrid War and Threats:

Contrary to what my good friend and fellow Marine, Frank Hoffman, argues, I believe that this continual adding of adjectives in front of "war" is counterproductive. As Clausewitz wrote, "In war more than in any other subject we must begin by looking at the nature of the whole, for here more than elsewhere the part and the whole must always be thought of together." Every modification of the word "war" serves mainly as fodder for un-needed conferences, workshops, and meetings where the new definitions as well as the merits of these terms are debated with, in my estimation, little value added. These new terms also help confuse our officer corps and undermine a solid professional lexicon. I remain in Professor Colin Gray's corner who maintains that "warfare is warfare"---plain and simple. At most we need only think of it in two forms, wars of fire and maneuver and wars of insurgency.

Clausewitz allowed for this with two observations:

(1) "War is more than a chameleon that slightly adapts its characteristics to the given case."

(2) "We can thus only say that the aims a belligerent adopts, and the resources he employs . . . will also conform to the spirit of the age and to its general character."

Our current enemies have adopted wars of insurgency as the form they use to challenge us.

Paul Van Riper

Updates:

Frank Hoffman responds:

I have always been informed by the tremendous scholarship of Dr. Gray and of course have benefited over the years from my interaction with General Van Riper. But they are both wrong here (I think Dr. Gray is being misquoted out of context and not wrong). We've been arguing this particular point for some time since the Army 2003 Arm War College strategy conference where I was critical of The American Way of War, and at NDU in 2008 where General Van Riper first articulated his views.

I agree with Dr. Gray's true point that War is War. War defined as a state of violent interaction between two groups, a clash of wills AND cultures, between groups (not necessarily just States) to obtain political ends is War. As he states in his great book, my Loop choice Fighting Talk, war is a relationship. Furthermore, the nature of war is immutable (violence, chance, human dimension, etc) But Warfare, Dr Gray makes pains to distinguish as a subset of War and I agree, warfare describes the military component of War, the warmaking. I recommend his chapter "There is More to War than Warfare" for those seeking more distinction.

Warfare is not immutable, quite the opposite. Dr. Gray points out that some cultures (he means ours) have a dominant military culture that precludes understanding the distinction between war and warfare (p. 32), which often leads to tactical success but strategic failure. I think Dr. Gray is right about us, for we conflate our preferences about warfare and then mirror image our enemies with our culturally induced idea about what warfare is and isnt. We focus on the warfare, and ignore the strategic context. Regrettably, General Van Riper's comments continue that misunderstanding--undoubtedly unintentionally.

I think the bromide that Warfare is Warfare is a dangerous over-simplification and residue from the poor professional conceptualization of warfare that has marked U.S. military since Vietnam. I recall the late Harry Summer's as the first in the "War is War is War" school, in his essay by that title in the post-Vietnam era. This was central to his argument that Vietnam was a conventional fight, which remains a dubious argument that has fallen aside. This has led us to the problems in our doctrine and profession reflected in operations and the poor transition to a better peace in Panama, Desert Storm and OIF. It has truncated our thinking to a narrow professional sphere in the conflict spectrum, the most irrelevant today and for the mid-range future.

There ARE forms of warfare, and different societies and cultures have they own forms or modes of warfare. There is fighting and dying in each of them, but the rule sets or principles or what Clausewitz suggested by Grammar are different. One doesn't succeed in COIN by applying conventional warfighting capabilities and one doesn't succeed in major combat operations with t he six Logical Lines of Operation of FM 3-24. Moreover, ignoring the distinction simply continues the tragedy.

Moreover, as General Van Riper points out, and as Dr. Tony Echevarria has discussed in some length in his book on Clausewitz and Contemporary Conflict, our Prussian friend was very much aware that war (more accurately warfare) has an ever evolving character. Each age he said has its own conception and preconceptions, and that war is MORE than a chameleon, that is it changes more than just color, it changes its character and characteristics. I think General Van Riper, given his profound historical founding and study, appreciates this more than most of us and actually means this in his statement, but by trying to bin everything into Warfare is Warfare, he perpetuates our misunderstanding of what has changed and what has not. This will continue to leave us poorly prepared for tomorrow's fights.

I think its patently illogical to ignore language and its influence on our professional thinking. We already have numerous adjectives about warfare: Unconventional, Irregular and "Conventional" or Traditional. I think all of these are flawed or outdated in our thinking right now. UW is related to the SOF community and needs serious updating. Irregular has become synonymous with COIN, which is a very clear case of what Colin calls "presentism." I don't agree that our enemies have picked something called Wars of Insurgency, t hat is OUR term and its a label or adjective after the noun instead of in front of it. There are many forms of Irregular Warfare for which the Joint concept leave us utterly unprepared for. What I think most folks think of as Regular or Conventional or Traditional warfare is vague but is very Western or ethno-centric. I think we need a serious professional discourse about warfare and what assumptions and illusions we hide behind when we use the terms we have.

This is a valuable debate because we are entering an era in which our conceptualization of future conflict will influence our strategy, and the allocation of scarce resources is upon us. I trust that the debate will continue.

Frank

LtGen Van Riper responds:

Ah, it is a sad task to debate a good friend in a public forum, but in this case a necessary task. Let me say at the outset, however, that for several reasons I am surprised by Frank Hoffman's focus on a term many view as simply trendy, for in the past we have both lamented the steady degrading of the military's professional lexicon in numerous conversations over dinner. (Pity our poor wives who have to listen to such professional talks for hours on end.) Moreover, from 1995 to 1997 Frank was the very best writer at the Marine Corps Combat Development Command and many of his words appeared in my formal congressional testimony and speeches. Those words were simple and elegant, unburdened by use of stylish terms.

Also, let me second Frank's words that Dr. Gray's, Another Bloody Century: Future Warfare and Dr. Antulio (Tony) Echevarria's Clausewitz: Contemporary War are exceptional books that serious scholars of war, strategy, and operational art need to read and study! I might also tout Dr. Gray's latest book, National Security Dilemmas: Challenges & Opportunities, one for which I was honored to write a forward.

I took the words "warfare is warfare" from the Conclusion (page 370) of Another Bloody Century. The lead sentence to that chapter reads, "Warfare is warfare, period." Later in that chapter Dr. Gray notes that "War, and warfare, has an enduring, unchanging nature, but a highly variable character." He also observes that "The American defense community is especially prone to capture by the latest catchphrase, the new-sounding spin on an ancient idea which as jargon separates those who are truly expert from the lesser breeds without the jargon." Though Dr. Gray's words, I believe, support my case, please read the entire chapter—better the entire book—to judge for yourself. Again, I am surprised by Frank's insistence that the word "hybrid" adds to our understanding of war, for he is "truly expert" in things military, and certainly not "from the lesser breeds."

I am fairly certain that I understand Dr. Gray's distinction between war and warfare. In fact, I would have preferred to use words I believe he spoke in 2005 at the opening of an address at the Army War College, "War is war," but not having a transcript of that address I hesitated. As a nation we are too single-minded and center our attention on warfare rather than war. Dr. Echevarria has pointed this out in numerous places, noting that it is the reason we have an "American way of battle," not war. I agree! Too few Americans understand the full impact of Clausewitz's admonition: ". . . war is simply a continuation of political intercourse, with the addition of other means. We deliberately use the phrase 'with the addition of other means' because we also want to make it clear that war in itself does not suspend political intercourse or change it into something entirely different. In essentials that intercourse continues, irrespective of the means it employs." As a Marine I am deeply interested in the "grammar" of war, but I know that it is the "logic" that is most important.

The one thing Frank and I certainly agree on is that "we already have numerous adjectives about warfare." He is also correct that my "wars of fire and maneuver" and "wars of insurgency" place the adjectives after the noun. However, my words have the distinct advantage in that they spell out a meaning; the reader does not have to guess as he or she might with words like "irregular," "unconventional," "nontraditional," forth generation," and yes, "hybrid."

Let the debate continue.

May the winner enjoy a Sam Adams and a steak at the expense of the other!

PKVR

by SWJ Editors | Thu, 03/05/2009 - 6:48pm | 0 comments
By Ben Fitzgerald and Scott Brady

Recent operational experience has identified the need for the United States Government to make better use of law enforcement concepts, skills and organizations to improve outcomes in population centric operations. However, within this broad consensus, there is a lack of common understanding beyond 'we need more police'. Deeper analysis of this problem space quickly identifies not just a lack of common understanding but three varying and overlapping perspectives on the role of law enforcement in this context.

From a military perspective, the value of law enforcement may be seen as enhancing the military's conduct of population centric operations through improved patrolling techniques, investigation, community engagement, graduated use of force etc. Separate to the military perspective is the potential to deploy civilian law enforcement personnel to essentially perform domestic law enforcement tasks, such as community policing, in support of broader operational goals. Finally, there is the perspective focused on long term capacity building and institutional reform of host nation law enforcement agencies, which is a prerequisite for the successful drawing down of international resources and the establishment of ongoing diplomatic relations. It should be noted that all three of these perspectives are valid and, in fact, mutually reinforcing.

The reasons for these different perspectives and associated gaps in USG capability become apparent when one considers that elements of the responsibility for law enforcement capability in international operations reside across the Departments of State, Justice and Defense in addition to USAID's role in capacity building. Additionally there is no single point of Congressional oversight and funding for these various organizations.

To help address this situation, the Emerging Capabilities Division within the Office of the Secretary of Defense sponsored an interagency project on Transitional Law Enforcement aimed at stimulating, informing and providing a framework for discussion on the application of law enforcement in international operations. This was achieved by first documenting the various interagency perspectives and contributions as well as the specific functions of TLE in international operations. This was supported by an analysis of the USG authorities (legislation, policies, directives, etc) that govern various aspects of TLE. The project also covered international models for deploying law enforcement expertise including a detailed analysis of the capabilities of the Australian Federal Police's International Deployment Group as well as issues associated with international supply and demand for law enforcement and an overview of the law enforcement communities and international contributions of sixteen major donor nations.

The Peacekeeping and Stabilization Operations Institute has uploaded these documents for use by any interested organization. These documents are the first set of deliverables in an ongoing body of work which investigates the role of law enforcement on international operations.

Ben Fitzgerald is the Principal for Noetic Corporation, a strategy firm focused on national and homeland security issues. Scott Brady, a former Australian Army officer, is a senior analyst with Noetic.

by SWJ Editors | Thu, 03/05/2009 - 6:18pm | 1 comment
Dan Troy of the Consortium for Complex Operations (CCO) was kind enough to share with SWJ a CCO interview with Bing West, author of The Village, The March Up and No True Glory. Bing's latest book, The Strongest Tribe: War, Politics, and the Endgame in Iraq has been widely acclaimed since its release last August.

Ten Questions with Bing West

Bing West served as Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs in the Reagan administration. A graduate of Georgetown and Princeton Universities, he served in Marine infantry in Vietnam. His books have won the Marine Corps Heritage Prize, the Colby Award for Military History and appeared on the Commandant's Reading List. West appears regularly on The News Hour and Fox News. He is a member of St. Crispin's Order of the Infantry and the Council on Foreign Relations. He lives in Newport, RI.

He recently released The Strongest Tribe: War, Politics and the Endgame in Iraq, the result of fourteen trips to Iraq embedded with front-line units over the entire course of the war, and agreed to be interviewed by the CCO on the lessons he learned from writing the book.

1. Your assessment of the national Iraqi security forces, including the Army and the Police, is pretty bleak. An important aspect of counterinsurgency is working with indigenous partners, but given that their inability to take control of the counterinsurgency effort was a major part of our change in strategy in early 2007, do we need to rethink our basic assumptions as to how best to work with the host nation? Would it have been better to adopt a grass-roots approach from the beginning, putting all our effort into working with groups from each town, city and region to secure their own areas before looking to create national forces?

President Obama has declared a total pull out by Aug of 2011. So US advisers have about two years to improve the Iraqi security forces. But the leverage of advisers has been tremendously weakened -- discounted -- because the date certain for their departure has been agreed by the US and GOI. It's too late for significantly more strengthening by US mentoring. We will provide technical training, staff procedures and logistical support. The greatest defect in our approach is the lack of police techniques appropriate to an insurgency.

The grass-roots approach makes all the sense in the world; but it cannot be applied until a majority of the locals in the affected area support the approach and are —to inform on the insurgents in their midst. In Iraq, that willingness on the Sunni side did not appear until late 2006; then it spread rapidly. On the Shiite side, the power of the Sadr extremists was not broken until the battles in Basra and Baghdad in April of 2007.

Continue on for more Q&A with Bing West...

by Janine Davidson | Wed, 03/04/2009 - 12:34pm | 0 comments
Last April, over 200 people gathered in Washington D.C. for the State Department-sponsored kickoff of an innovative, web-enabled, interagency community of practice, the Consortium for Complex Operations. This project, sponsored by the leadership among the "3D's," (diplomacy, development, and defense), was designed to link civilian and military educators, trainers, thought leaders and practitioners to focus on theoretical and practical problems associated with stability operations, counterinsurgency, and irregular warfare.

As the CCO approaches its first anniversary, the CCO Support Office will be moving to the Center for Technology and National Security Policy (CTNSP) at the National Defense University (NDU) under the oversight of Hans Binenndijk and Bernie Carreau. This move introduces clear advantages as well as some manageable challenges to the CCO's charter and has thus generated some moderate debate. Based on my experience in leading the development and launch of the CCO, I thought I would offer the following insight for the SWJ readership and the CCO community of interest...

by SWJ Editors | Wed, 03/04/2009 - 6:44am | 0 comments
Greg Grant over at DoD Buzz (added to our blogroll) comments on SWJ posts Thoughts on "Hybrid" Conflict by Russ Glenn and Further Thoughts on Hybrid Threats by Frank Hoffman with "Hybrid War" Throwdown. Greg's bottom line:

I'm convinced this "New Model Army" is going to be encountered with more frequency on the world's battlefields. The U.S. military would do well to study this new and adaptive threat and prepare accordingly.

More at DoD Buzz.

by SWJ Editors | Tue, 03/03/2009 - 6:15pm | 0 comments
Lot's of good stuff in the current issue of Foreign Policy. Here are the lead articles:

The Axis of Upheaval by Niall Ferguson

Forget Iran, Iraq, and North Korea—Bush's "Axis of Evil." As economic calamity meets political and social turmoil, the world's worst problems may come from countries like Somalia, Russia, and Mexico. And they're just the beginning.

The Most Dangerous Place in the World by Jeffrey Gettleman

Somalia is a state governed only by anarchy. A graveyard of foreign-policy failures, it has known just six months of peace in the past two decades. Now, as the country's endless chaos threatens to engulf an entire region, the world again simply watches it burn.

Reversal of Fortune by Arkady Ostrovsky

Vladimir Putin's social contract has been premised on an authoritarian state delivering rising incomes and resurgent power. But the economic crisis is unraveling all that. And what comes next in Russia might be even worse.

State of War by Sam Quinones

Mexico's hillbilly drug smugglers have morphed into a raging insurgency. Violence claimed more lives there last year alone than all the Americans killed in Iraq. And there's no end in sight.

Much more at Foreign Policy.

by Dave Dilegge | Tue, 03/03/2009 - 5:52pm | 3 comments
Thoughts on the "New Media" - compiled by Small Wars Journal

Last weekend I sent out the following "RFI" to a number of bloggers I know:

Andrew Exum's post / review of Tom Ricks' The Gamble several weeks ago at Abu Muqawama got me thinking (once again) about the impact of the "new media" on issues concerning national security, military doctrine and concept development, as well as lessons learned. As one part of this new media I'm not sure I fully grasp our influence -- though I am often told we are, quote -- "making a difference". Here is the excerpt from the AM post that got me thinking about this.

"The New Media: Ricks cited a discussion on Small Wars Journal once and also cited some things on PlatoonLeader.org but never considered the way in which the new media has revolutionized the lessons learned process in the U.S. military. (Forget Abu Muqawama, though, because this lowly blog started around the same time as the surge.) Instead of just feeding information to the Center for Army Lessons Learned and waiting for lessons to be disseminated, junior officers are now debating what works and what doesn't on closed internet fora -- such as PlatoonLeader and CompanyCommand -- and open fora, such as the discussion threads on Small Wars Journal. The effect of the new media on the junior officers fighting the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan was left curiously unexplored by Ricks, now a famous blogger himself."

I'd like to get your thoughts on this - nothing elaborate -- maybe a paragraph or two on the core issues concerning the new media and it impact on the military. I'd then like to post the responses I get as one post on SWJ.

Appreciate the consideration.

What follows are the replies I received through yesterday. Some stuck to the one-two requested paragraphs, some sent more. Rather than attempt to "over edit" and get some uniformity I opted to go with this initial batch of thoughts on this issue.

All good stuff that hopefully energizes a discourse on the impact of new media and its influence on military doctrine, concept development, training, education, and lessons learned. Without further ado (and in alphabetical order) here is Spencer Ackerman, Tom Barnett, Janine Davidson, Andrew Exum, Grim, Judah Grunstein, Dave Kilcullen, Raymond Pritchett, Mark Safranski, Herschel Smith, Starbuck, Michael Tanji, and Michael Yon...

Thoughts on the "New Media" - compiled by Small Wars Journal

Update:

Counterinsurgency and the New Media - Andrew Exum, Abu Muqawama

New Media Poised to Change the Future National Security Debate - Raymond Pritchett, Information Dissemination

SWJ, New Media and COIN - Judah Grunstein, World Politics Review

Thoughts on the New Media and Military Blogging - Herschel Smith, The Captain's Journal

New Media + Old Military = New Military - Jules Crittenden, Forward Movement

The "New Media," the Surge, and the Writing of History - Mark Grimsley, Cliopatria

Media Blitz - Spencer Ackerman, Attackerman

New Media and Modern War - Joshua Foust, Registan

Legacy Futures in Cyberspace - Adam Elkus, ThreatsWatch

Small Wars Invitational on The Surge and New Media - Grim, Blackfive

The Difference - Greyhawk, Mudville Gazette

Recommended Reading - Mark Safranski, Zenpundit

Counterinsurgency and the New Media - Starbuck, Wings Over Iraq

by SWJ Editors | Mon, 03/02/2009 - 12:38pm | 0 comments

Since 1922, Military Review has provided a forum for the open exchange of ideas on military affairs. Subsequently, publications have proliferated throughout the Army education system that specialize either in tactical issues associated with particular Branches or on strategic issues at the Senior Service School level. Bridging these two levels of intellectual inquiry, Military Review focuses on research and analysis of the concepts, doctrine and principles of warfighting between the tactical and operational levels of war.

Military Review is a refereed journal that provides a forum for original thought and debate on the art and science of land warfare and other issues of current interest to the US Army and the Department of Defense. Military Review also supports the education, training, doctrine development and integration missions of the Combined Arms Center (CAC), Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. Military Review is printed bimonthly in English, Spanish and Portuguese and is distributed to readers in more than 100 countries. It is also printed in Arabic on a quarterly basis. Widely quoted and reprinted throughout the world, it is a readily available reference at most military and civilian university libraries and research agencies.

Here is the March - April 2009 Issue lineup:

Counterinsurgency Lessons from Iraq by Bing West

A noted author summarizes the lessons from Iraq and draws some surprising conclusions.

Unifying Physical and Psychological Impact During Operations by Brigadier General Huba Wass de Czege, U.S. Army Retired

America's love affair with technology and raw power eroded appreciation for the psychological dimension of war.

Narrowing the Gap: DOD and Stability Operations by Colonel David W. Shin, U.S. Army

Performing all stability lines of operations as a "core mission" is impossible for the U.S. military; it does not have the resources. DOD must prioritize its strengths—providing civil security and control.

Tal Afar and Ar Ramadi: Grass Roots Reconstruction by Captain Chad M. Pillai, U.S. Army

Because no clear linkage exists between Army units' short-term goals and broader interagency goals, tactics meant to foster local governance and economic development have produced mixed long-term results.

Not My Job: Contracting and Professionalism in the U.S. Army by Lieutenant Colonel William C. Latham, U.S. Army Retired

Imagined efficiencies of contracting may cause the U.S. military to lose its jurisdiction over traditional roles.

From Peddlers to Sheiks: A Contracting Case Study in Southern Baghdad by Lisa A. Verdon

Coalition contracting for public projects in Iraq suggests that reconciliation in Iraq comes at the discretion of the sheik.

All Our Eggs in a Broken Basket: How the Human Terrain System is Undermining Sustainable Military Cultural Competence by Major Ben Connable, U.S. Marine Corps

The military should expand its organic, sustainable cultural expertise rather than waste resources on external academics and the appendage called the "Human Terrain System."

Complex Operations in Africa: Operational Culture Training in the French Military by Colonel Henri Boré, French Army Retired

An expert from the French Army relates how cultural expertise was a critical combat skill that led to success for French counterinsurgents of the recent past.

Testing Galula in Ameriyah: the People are the Key by Lieutenant Colonel Dale Kuehl, U.S. Army

David Galula claims that popular support for the counterinsurgent requires an active minority working on its behalf. Ameriyah showed him to be correct.

A View from Inside the Surge by Lieutenant Colonel James Crider, U.S. Army

The "surge" worked, and David Galula's 40-year old treatise proved its worth in the process. His works should be required reading for American military professionals.

Amnesty, Reintegration, and Reconciliation in South Africa by Major Timothy M. Bairstow, U.S. Marine Corps

South Africa successfully employed the principles of amnesty, reintegration, and reconciliation (AR2).

Educating by Design: Preparing Leaders for a Complex World by Colonel Stefan J. Banach, U.S. Army

The School for Advanced Military Studies is meeting a recognized need for new conceptual tools to assist commanders in the operational planning process.

The Art of Design: A Design Methodology by Colonel Stefan J. Banach, U.S. Army, and Alex Ryan Ph.D.

Two experts provide a brief overview of adaptive learning to develop comprehensive plans for complex missions.

Learning from Moderate Governments' Approaches to Islamist Extremism by Major Eric A. Claessen Jr., Belgium Army

One can learn much from states that controlled extremists for decades.

The Future Combat System Program by Major Luis Alvarado, U.S. Army

The Future Combat System will be the Army's best connection to America's future war machine.

Book Reviews

Letters

2009 General William E. DePuy Combined Arms Center Writing Competition

by John A. Nagl | Mon, 03/02/2009 - 10:41am | 10 comments
I have previously argued that, while the central problem of international relations in the 20th century was states that were too strong (Germany, Imperial Japan, the Soviet Union), the primary problems of international relations in the 21st century are states that are too weak (Afghanistan, Pakistan, Mexico). Thomas Friedman agrees in the linked New York Times column, which has vast implications not just for the State Department, but also for the Department of Defense.

Super (Sub) Secretaries - Thomas Friedman, New York Times

It is way too soon to say what policy breakthroughs Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will be known for at the State Department. But she has already left her mark bureaucratically. She has invented new diplomatic positions that say a great deal about the state of foreign policy in these messy times. I would call them "The Super Sub-Secretaries of State."

Mrs. Clinton has appointed three Super Sub-Secretaries - George Mitchell to handle Arab-Israel negotiations, Richard Holbrooke to manage Afghanistan-Pakistan affairs and Dennis Ross to coordinate Iran policy. The Obama team seems to have concluded that these three problems are so intractable that they require almost full-time secretary of state-quality attention. So you need officials who have more weight and more time - more weight than the normal assistant secretary of state so they will be taken seriously in their respective regions and will have a chance to move the bureaucracy, and more time to work on each of these discrete, Gordian problems than a secretary of state can devote in a week...

More at The New York Times.

by SWJ Editors | Sat, 02/28/2009 - 9:31pm | 0 comments

The 2nd Quarter 2009 issue of Joint Force Quarterly is now posted.

Joint Force Quarterly is published by the National Defense University Press for the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

JFQ is the Chairman's flagship joint military and security studies journal designed to inform members of the U.S. Armed Forces, allies, and other partners on joint and integrated operations; national security policy and strategy; efforts to combat terrorism; homeland security; and developments in training and joint professional military education to transform America's military and security apparatus to better meet tomorrow's challenges while protecting freedom today.

Here is the lineup:

Forum Executive Summary by David H. Gurney

What Is Economic Power? by Ellen L. Frost

The Rise of the Rest by William H. Overholt

Finance and Power by James G. Lacey and David L. Asher

Conflict Trends in the 21st Century by Michael Moodie

Transnational Movements and Terrorism by Mark E. Stout, Thomas F. Lynch III, and T.X. Hammes

Time to Improve U.S. Defense Structure for the Western Hemisphere by Craig A. Deare

Nuclear Arms and the Future of South Asia by Michael Krepon

NATO's Uncertain Future: Is Demography Destiny? by Jeffrey Simon

Operational Design for ISAF in Afghanistan: A Primer by Julian D. Alford and Scott A. Cuomo

Commercializing USCENTCOM Aerial Ports by John E. Michel and Jean M. Mahan

Looking Back on Operation Jump Start by David M. Church

Trouble with Doctrine? by David H. Gurney

Effects-based Thinking in Joint Doctrine by Joint Staff J7 Joint Doctrine and Education Division Staff

Commander's Business: Learning to Practice Operational Design by Richard M. Swain

A Case Against Systemic Operational Design by Milan N. Vego

Victory over Terrorism: Essential Services as Counterinsurgency Strategy by Jeffrey Philip Treistman

A Perfect Storm for Pentagon Reform by Travis Sharp

DOD Planning, Programming, Budgeting, and Execution System: A Path Toward Improvement by Albert T. Church and Ted Warner

Bridging the Strategy-Resources Gap: Defense Planning in a Time of Crisis by Ionut C. Popescu

Protecting the Past to Secure the Future: The Strategic Value of Heritage Training by Laurie W. Rush and Matthew F. Bogdanos

Joint Doctrine Update by Joint Chiefs of Staff J7

by SWJ Editors | Sat, 02/28/2009 - 2:47am | 0 comments
Facing Language Gaps and 'Flying Trucks,' US Trains Afghan Pilots - Elisabeth Bumiller, New York Times

Col. James A. Brandon flew Black Hawks when Moscow was considered a mortal foe of the United States and spent years in the Army studying enemy aircraft. So he now finds it a little bizarre to be piloting an old MI-17 Russian helicopter, a legacy of the Soviet invaders here, in the Hindu Kush of Afghanistan.

But in a case of going to war with not just the military you have, but the military your enemy once had, Colonel Brandon is a leader of a bumpy American effort to build an Afghan Air Force from the wreckage up. To do that as quickly and (relatively) cheaply as possible, the United States is training American pilots to fly the helicopters of the former Soviet Union - Colonel Brandon calls them "flying trucks" - so the American pilots can in turn train, or retrain, Afghan pilots who once flew for the Russians, the Taliban or powerful warlords.

More at The New York Times.

by SWJ Editors | Fri, 02/27/2009 - 4:08pm | 0 comments
SWJ's 8th weekly contribution to Foreign Policy - This Week at War by Robert Haddick - is now posted. Topics include - Mexico's troubles: a crime problem or a war? - The "U.S. Government Counterinsurgency Guide" -- a cookbook for conquest?
by SWJ Editors | Fri, 02/27/2009 - 3:30pm | 1 comment
Responsibly Ending the War in Iraq

Remarks of President Barack Obama -- As Prepared for Delivery

Camp Lejeune, North Carolina

Friday, February 27, 2009

Good morning Marines. Good morning Camp Lejeune. Good morning Jacksonville. Thank you for that outstanding welcome. I want to thank Lieutenant General Hejlik for hosting me here today.

I also want to acknowledge all of our soldiers, sailors, airmen and Marines serving in Iraq and Afghanistan. That includes the Camp Lejeune Marines now serving with -- or soon joining -- the Second Marine Expeditionary Force in Iraq; those with Special Purpose Marine Air Ground Task Force in Afghanistan; and those among the 8,000 Marines who are preparing to deploy to Afghanistan. We have you in our prayers. We pay tribute to your service. We thank you and your families for all that you do for America. And I want all of you to know that there is no higher honor or greater responsibility than serving as your Commander-in-Chief.

I also want to take this opportunity to acknowledge Ryan Crocker, who recently completed his service as our Ambassador to Iraq. Throughout his career, Ryan always took on the toughest assignments. He is an example of the very best that this nation has to offer, and we owe him a great debt of gratitude. He carried on his work with an extraordinary degree of cooperation with two of our finest Generals -- General David Petraeus, and General Ray Odierno -- who will be critical in carrying forward the strategy that I will outline today.

Next month will mark the sixth anniversary of the war in Iraq. By any measure, this has already been a long war. For the men and women of America's armed forces -- and for your families -- this war has been one of the most extraordinary chapters of service in the history of our nation. You have endured tour after tour after tour of duty. You have known the dangers of combat and the lonely distance of loved ones. You have fought against tyranny and disorder. You have bled for your best friends and for unknown Iraqis. And you have borne an enormous burden for your fellow citizens, while extending a precious opportunity to the people of Iraq. Under tough circumstances, the men and women of the United States military have served with honor, and succeeded beyond any expectation.

Today, I have come to speak to you about how the war in Iraq will end...